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Chapter 9: Ethics and Law
In primitive societies religion, morals, law, customs, manners,
exist as an undifferentiated whole. (1) The boundaries between them
are hazy and ill-defined. Their respective provinces are distinguished
only gradually. For generations it is not only ethics that retains
a theological base, but jurisprudence, which was a part of theology
for two centuries prior to the Reformation.
The outstanding illustration of the fusing and separation of the
provinces of ethics, law, and theology is the growth of the doctrine
of Natural Law. The Greeks put a theoretical moral foundation
under law by the doctrine of natural right. The Roman jurists
made natural right into natural law and sought to discover the
content of this natural law and to declare it. The Middle Ages
put a theological foundation under natural law. The seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries took out this theological foundation
and replaced it or partially replaced it by a rational foundation.
At the end of the eighteenth century Kant tried to replace the
rational foundation by a metaphysical foundation. (2)
But what was natural law, and how did the concept arise? In the
hands of Roman lawyers, the Greek theories of what was right by
nature and what was right by convention or enactment gave rise
to a distinction between law by nature and law by custom or enactment.
Rules based on reason were law by nature. The right or the just
by nature became law by nature or natural law. In this way began
the identification of the legal with the moral that has been characteristic
of natural-law thinkers ever since. (3)
In the Middle Ages the concept of natural law was identified with
the concept of divine law. Natural law proceeded immediately from
reason but ultimately from God. According to Thomas Aquinas, it
was a reflection of the "reason of the divine wisdom governing
the whole universe." Later thinkers saw no conflict between
natural law and divine law. According to Grotius, for example,
both were based on eternal reason and on the will of God who wills
only reason. This is also the view of Blackstone. It is reflected
in the views of American judges, as for example, Mr. justice Wilson,
who tells us that God "is under the glorious necessity of
not contradicting himself." (4)
The concept of natural law has played a major role both in legal
confusion and in legal progress. The confusion comes from its
unfortunate name. When natural law is identified with the "laws
of nature" it comes to be assumed that human thought can
have no part in forming or creating it. It is assumed to preexist.
It is the function of our reason merely to discover it. In fact,
many writers on natural law throw out reason altogether. It is
not necessary. We know -- or at least they know -- just what
natural law is from direct intuition.
This aroused the wrath of Bentham. He contended that the doctrine
of natural law was merely one of the "contrivances for avoiding
the obligation of appealing to any external standard, and for
prevailing upon the reader to accept of the author's sentiment
or opinion as a reason for itself.... A great multitude of
people are continually talking of the Law of Nature; and then
they go on giving you their sentiments about what is right and
what is wrong: and these sentiments, you are to understand, are
so many chapters and sections of the Law of Nature.... The
fairest and openest of them all is that sort of man who speaks
out, and says, I am of the number of the Elect: now God himself
takes care to inform the Elect what is right: and that with so
good effect, and let them strive ever so, they cannot help not
only knowing it but practicing it. If therefore a man wants to
know what is right and what is wrong, he has nothing to do but
to Come to Me." (5)
If, however, we think of natural law as merely a misnomer for
Ideal Law, or Law-as-It-Ought-to-Be, and if, in addition, we have
the humility or scientific caution to assume that we do not intuitively
or automatically know what this is, but that it is something to
be discovered and formulated by experience and reason, and that
we can constantly improve our concepts without ever reaching finality
or perfection, then we have a powerful tool for the continuous
reform of positive law. This, in fact, was the implicit assumption
and method of Bentham himself.
2. The Common Law
Positive law and "positive" morality are both products
of a long historical growth. They grew together, as part of an
undifferentiated tradition and custom that included religion.
But law tended to become secular and independent of theology sooner
than did ethics. It also became more definite and explicit. Anglo-American
common law, in particular, grew through customs of judicial decision.
Individual judges realized, implicitly if not explicitly, that
law and the application of law must be certain, uniform, predictable.
They tried to solve individual cases upon their "merits";
but they recognized that their decision in one case must be "consistent"
with their decision in another, and that the decisions of one
court must be consistent with those of others, so that they would
not easily be overthrown on appeal.
They therefore sought for general rules under which particular
cases might be brought and decided. To find these general rules
they looked for analogies both in their own previous decisions
and in the previous decisions of other courts. Contending lawyers
usually did not deny the existence or validity of these general
rules. They did not deny that cases should be decided in accordance
with established precedents. But they tried to find and to cite
the analogies and precedents that favored their particular side.
The attorney for one litigant would argue that his client's case
was analogous to previous case Y, not X, and that it therefore
came under Rule B, not Rule A, while the attorney for the opposing
litigant would argue the opposite.
Thus there grew up, through precedent and analogical reasoning,
the great body of the Common Law. There was in it, of course,
in the beginning, much reverence for mere precedent as such, whether
the precedent was rational or irrational. But there was clearly
a great deal of utilic rationality in respecting precedent as
such: this tended to make the application of law certain, uniform,
and predictable. Moreover, there was also, even in early periods,
and increasingly later, an element of utilic rationality in particular
decisions. For even in trying to decide a case "upon its
individual merits," a judge would probably give at least
one eye to a consideration not only of the probable practical
effects of that particular decision but to the probable practical
effects of like decisions in other cases. Thus the Common Law
was built up both through induction and deduction: in deciding
particular cases judges arrived at general rules, i.e., at rules
that would apply to like cases; and when a new concrete case came
before them, they would look for the relevant pre-existing general
rule under which it would be appropriate and just to decide it.
Thus judges both made law and applied it. But common law had the
defect of a wide margin of uncertainty. Where precedents were
conflicting and analogies were debatable, litigants could not
know in advance by which precedent or analogy a particular judge
would be guided. Where the general rule or principle had received
vague or inconsistent statement, no one could know in advance
which form of the rule a given judge would accept as valid or
determining. How could men protect themselves from capricious
or arbitrary decisions? How could they know in advance whether
the actions they were taking were legal or whether the contracts
and agreements they were making would be called valid? The demand
arose for a more explicit written law.
But the law as a whole, common and statute law together, was a
steadily growing and constantly more consistent body of general
rules, and even of general-rules-for-finding-the-general-rule
under which a particular case came. And the attempt to make these
general rules more precise and consistent, and to find a utilitarian
basis for them or reconstruct them on such a basis, led to the
development of the philosophy of law and the science of jurisprudence.
Writers on jurisprudence were divided roughly into two schools,
the analytical and the philosophical. "Analytical jurisprudence
broke with philosophy and with ethics completely.... The ideal
pattern of the analytical jurist was one of a logically consistent
and logically interdependent system of legal precepts.... Assuming
an exact logically defined separation of powers, the analytical
jurist contended that law and morals were distinct and unrelated
and that he was concerned only with law." (6) On the other
hand, "Throughout the nineteenth century philosophical jurists
devoted much of their attention to the relation of law to morals,
the relation of jurisprudence to ethics." (7)
Yet there is an irony here. While most writers on jurisprudence
have been constantly concerned with the relations of law to ethics,
while they have sought to make legal rules consistent with ethical
requirements, and to find what jurisprudence has to learn from
ethics, moralists have not at all troubled to find what they could
learn from jurisprudence. For the jurists have made the tacit
assumption that while the law is something that was created and
developed by man, and is to be perfected by him, ethics is something
already created by God and known to man by intuition. The great
majority of ethical writers have made a similar assumption. Even
the evolutionary and utilitarian moralists have not troubled to
see what they could learn from a study of law and jurisprudence.
And this was true, strangest of all, even of Jeremy Bentham, who
made tremendous contributions both to jurisprudence and to ethics,
and whose most famous book is called, significantly, Introduction
to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. Yet he too was
concerned principally with what legislation had to learn from
morals, or rather with what both had to learn from the Principle
of Utility or the Greatest Happiness Principle, and not with the
great lesson that ethical philosophy had to learn from jurisprudence
and law -- the importance and necessity of general rules.
Nevertheless, Bentham has left us an illuminating simile: "Legislation
is a circle with the same center as moral philosophy, but its
circumference is smaller." (8) And Jellinek in 1878 subsumed
law under morals in the same way by declaring that law was a minimum
ethics. It was only a part of morals -- the part that had to do with
the indispensable conditions of the social order. The remainder
of morals, desirable but not indispensable, he called "an
ethical luxury."
3. The Relativism of Anatole France
The great lesson that moral philosophy has to learn from legal
philosophy is the necessity for adhering to general rules. It
also has to learn the nature of these rules. They must be general,
certain, uniform, regular, predictable, and equal in their application.
"Rules of property, rules as to commercial transactions,
the rules that maintain the security of acquisitions and the security
of transactions in a society of complex economic organization -- such rules may be and ought to be of general and absolute application."
(10) "The very conception of law involves ideas of uniformity, regularity, predictability." (11)
The essential requirements of law have seldom been better described
than by F. A. Hayek in The Constitution of Liberty. It
must be free from arbitrariness, privilege, or discrimination.
It must apply to all, and not merely to particular persons or
groups. It must be certain. It must consist in the enforcement
of known rules. These rules must be general and abstract rather
than specific and concrete. They must be so clear that court decisions
are predictable. In brief, the law must be certain, general, and
equal. (12) "The true contrast to a reign of status is the
reign of general and equal laws, of the rules which are the same
for all." (13) "As they operate through the expectations
that they create, it is essential that they be always applied,
irrespective of whether or not the consequences in a particular
instance seem desirable." (14) True laws must be "known
and certain.... The essential point is that the decisions of
the courts can be predicted." (15)
When these requirements are met, the requirements of liberty are
met. As John Locke put it: "The end of the law is, not to
abolish or restrain, but to preserve and enlarge freedom .... For liberty is to be free from restraint and violence from others,
which cannot be where there is no law." (16)
"Freedom of men under government is to have a standing rule
to live by, common to every one of that society, and made by the
legislative power erected in it; a liberty to follow my own will
in all things, where that rule prescribes not: and not to be subject
to the inconstant, uncertain, arbitrary will of another man."
(17)
When justice is represented on court house statues as being blind,
it does not mean that she is blind to the justice of the case,
but blind to the wealth, social position, sex, color, looks, amiability
or other qualities of the particular litigants. It means that
she recognizes that justice, happiness, peace, and order can only
be established, in the long run, by respect for general rules,
rather than respect for the "merits" of each particular
case. This is what Hume means when he insists that justice will
often require that a poor good man be forced to pay money to a
rich bad man -- if, for example, it concerns the payment of a just
debt. And this is what the advocates of an ad hoc "justice,"
a "justice" that regards only the specific "merits"
of the particular case before the court, without considering what
the extension of the rule of that decision would imply, have never
understood. Almost the whole weight of the novelists and intellectuals
of the last two centuries, in their treatment of both legal and
moral questions, has been thrown in this ad hoc direction.
Their attitude is summed up in the famous ironical jibe by Anatole
France at "the majestic equality of the law that forbids
the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges, to beg in
the streets and to steal bread." (18)
But neither Anatole France nor any of those who take this ad
hoc view have ever bothered to say what rules or guides, apart
from their own immediate feelings, they would apply in place of
equality before the law. Would they decide in each case of theft
how much the thief "needed" the particular thing he
stole, or how little its rightful owner "needed" it?
Would they make it illegal only for a rich man to steal from a
poor man? Legal for anybody to steal from anybody richer than
himself? Would Anatole France himself, in his pose of magnanimity,
have considered it all right for anyone to pirate or plagiarize
from him, provided only that the plagiarist could show that he
was not yet as prosperous or well-known as Anatole France?
The forthright declaration of a Thomas Huxley that it is not only
illegal but immoral for a man to steal a loaf of bread even if
he is starving, seems like a cruel and shocking Victorian pronouncement
to all our "modern" ethical relativists, to all the
ad hoc theoreticians who pride themselves on their peculiar
"compassion." But they have never suggested what rules
should be put in place of the general rules they deplore, or how
the exceptions should be determined. The only general rule they
do in fact seem to have in mind is one they seldom dare to utter
-- that each man should be a law unto himself, that each man should
decide for himself, for example, whether his "need"
is great enough or the "need" of his intended victim
small enough to justify a particular contemplated theft.
4. Inner and Outer Circle
Before concluding this discussion of the relation of law to ethics,
let us turn back to the simile from Bentham that law is a circle
with the same center as moral philosophy but with a smaller circumference,
and to the similar conclusion of Jellinek that law is a "minimum
ethics." Let us try to see just where the radius of the smaller
legal circle ends, and why it ends there.
We may do this by a few concrete illustrations. The first is of
the schoolmaster who said: "Boys, be pure in heart or I'll
flog you." (19) The point is that the law can only operate
through sanctions -- through punishment, redress, or forcible prevention
-- and therefore can only insure the outward morality of words and
acts.
The second illustration is that of an athletic young man with
a rope and a life-belt at hand, who sits on a bench in a park
along a river bank, and quietly sees a child drown, although he
could act without the least danger. (20) The law has refused to
impose liability. As Ames has put it: "He took away nothing
from a person in jeopardy, he simply failed to confer a benefit
upon a stranger.... The law does not compel active benevolence
between man and man. It is left to one's conscience whether he
will be the good Samaritan or not." (21)
This legal reasoning is supported, also, by certain practical
difficulties of proof. Suppose there is more than one man watching
on the bank, and each contends that the other is in a much better
position to effect the rescue? Or suppose we take the broader
question raised by Dean Pound: "If John Doe is helpless and
starving, shall he sue Henry Ford or John D. Rockefeller?"
(22) This raises the question of the difficulty of saying upon whom
the duty of being the good Samaritan should devolve.
But if we pass over these practical difficulties, and come back
to our original illustration of the man who sits alone on a bank
and coolly lets a child drown, knowing there is no other person
from whom help can come but himself, there can be no question
of what the common-sense moral judgment upon his act would be.
The case is sufficient to illustrate the far wider sphere of ethics
as compared with law. (23) Morality certainly calls for active
benevolence beyond that called for by the law. But how far this
duty extends must be the subject of a later chapter.
1. See Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1926), pp. 26, 85, and passim. This is an especially valuable discussion not only for its analysis but for its scholarship. It contains a bibliography of 24 pages. 5. Jeremy Bentham, The Theory of Morals and Legislation, pp. 17 and 18n. 6. Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals, pp. 40, 41, 43. 8. I find this quoted in Albert Schweitzer, The Philosophy of Civilization (New York: MacMillan, 1957), p. 157, but have been unable to trace it down, in these words, in either Bentham's Morals and Legislation, the Deontology, or A Fragment on Government. 9. Jellinek, Die sozialethische Bedeutung von Recht, Unrecht und der Strafe, 1878 (2nd ea., 1908), Chaps. 1 and 2. See also Pound, Law and Morals, p. 103. 10. Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals, p. 71. 12. (Chicago University Press, 1960), Chaps. 10, 11, and 12. NOTES TO PAGES 67-83 369 16. Second Treatise of Civil Government, Sec. 57. 17. Ibid., Sec. 21. See also infra, Chap. 26. 18. Le Lysrouge (Paris, 1894), p. 117. 19. Pollock, First Book of Jurisprudence, (4th ed.), p. 47n. 20. Roscoe Pound, Law and Morals, pp. 68-69. 21. Ames, "Law and Morals," 22 Harv. Law Rev. 97, 112. 23. But Bentham asks, in his Principles of Morals and Legislation (1780), p. 323: "Why should it not be made the duty of every man to save another from mischief, when it can be done without prejudicing himself, as well as to abstain from bringing it on to him?" And he adds in a footnote: "A woman's head-dress catches fire: water is at hand: a man, instead of assisting to quench the fire, looks on, and laughs at it. A drunken man, falling with his face downwards into a puddle, is in danger of suffocation: lifting his head a little on one side would save him: another man sees this and lets him lie. A quantity of gunpowder is scattered about a room: a man is going into it with a lighted candle: another, knowing this, lets him go in without warning. Who is there that in any of these cases would think punishment misapplied?" © 1964 Henry Hazlitt. For permissions information, contact The Foundation for Economic Education, 30 South Broadway, Irvington-on-Hudson, NY 10533. Jamie Hazlitt 45 Division St S1 4GE Sheffield, UK +44 114 275 6539 contact@hazlitt.org, / |